Let\'s set the record straight: While the 1905 Partition of Bengal was undoubtedly a pivotal moment, it was merely the culmination of a journey that began long ago. To truly grasp the Pakistan Movement, we must delve deep into the heart of 18th and 19th century Bharat!

Picture this: The once-mighty Mughal Empire crumbles after Aurangzeb\'s death in 1707. From its ashes, a powerful radical islamist force emerges - pan-Islamic movements that would reshape the subcontinent\'s future. These deviant, toxic and radical Islamist groups, often overlooked by history, planted the seeds of Pakistan generations before the names Syed Ahmed Khan, Muhammad Iqbal, or Muhammad Ali Jinnah were ever uttered!

I declare, with unwavering conviction, that the dream of Pakistan was born in the hearts and minds of these early radical Islamic movements. They nurtured the idea, kept it alive through decades of Lies and deceit. The period from 1905 to 1947? That was simply when this long-held vision finally found its name and its moment to plunge the knife into the heart of every Bhartiya!

So open your eyes to this intricate web of lies in history! The Pakistan Movement wasn\'t just a fleeting political campaign - it was the culmination of a centuries-old quest for an Islamic identity . The true founders of Pakistan? They are the countless, nameless traitors of Bharat who dreamt of a Muslim homeland long before it became a reality.

The downfall of the Mughal Empire, which initiated under Aurangzeb, was hastened by his catastrophic campaign in the Deccan—infamously known as ‘the graveyard of the Mughal Empire’—against the Marathas and his brutal crusade against the Sikh gurus. After Aurangzeb\'s death, the empire\'s stranglehold on Bharat weakened dramatically.

The most glaring indication of this terminal decline was the empire\'s fragmentation, as regional powers asserted themselves. The Asaf Jahi dynasty established the Nizam ul-Mulk of Hyderabad in 1713, while the Awadh dynasty, under Nawab Sadat Ali Khan (Burhan ul-Mulk), emerged in 1723. Subsequently, the Bengal dynasty took shape under Nawab Aliwardi Khan in 1740.

Furthermore, the devastating sack of Delhi by Nadir Shah in 1739 hollowed out the Mughal Empire, laying bare its inherent decay. In a span of less than 200 years since Babur\'s triumph at the First Battle of Panipat in 1526, Mughal dominance was confined to Delhi, besieged by the rising powers of the Marathas, Jats, Sikhs, and the English.

The Battles of Plassey (1757) and Buxar (1764) firmly established the English as a formidable contender for religio-political supremacy in Bharat. Concurrently, the Ottoman Empire\'s decline became increasingly apparent as it struggled to keep pace with the Habsburg and Russian empires. The simultaneous waning of these two prominent Islamic empires deeply concerned Muslim intellectuals of the era.

This period of upheaval brought to the forefront two significant figures:

Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703–1792) in central Arabia and Shah Waliullah Dehlawi (1703–1762) in Bharat. Both attributed the downfall of their respective Muslim empires to the erosion of their religio-social foundations. In their view, Islam was in dire need of a ‘Reformation’—a return to its ‘pristine form’ untainted by the heresies and deviations that had infiltrated its practice through contact with infidels. Just as the Christian Reformation sought to dismantle the Catholic Church\'s monopoly over the ‘true faith,’ the Islamic Reformation aimed to restore Islam to its original purity, as practiced during the Prophet Muhammad’s lifetime.

Qeyamuddin Ahmad asserts that while Wahhabis are fundamentally similar to other Muslims, they prioritize certain key principles with exceptional rigor.

Firstly, monotheism: Wahhabis emphasize that God is self-existent, the Creator of all, and unmatched in His attributes. They contend that spiritual eminence and salvation lie in strict adherence to God\'s commands as outlined in the Quran and the Shariat, rather than in cultivating mystical communion with Him.

Secondly, ijtehad: Wahhabis uphold the right of ‘interpretation’ granted to Muslims, advocating for its active exercise. They criticize the followers of the four great Imams for abandoning this right, with Abdul Wahab authoring numerous treatises condemning blind imitation.

Thirdly, intercession: Wahhabis reject the belief in intercession or prayers on behalf of others by intermediaries, regardless of their saintly status. They argue that passive belief in Islamic principles is insufficient, emphasizing personal responsibility in one\'s faith.

Lastly, innovation: Wahhabis vehemently oppose religious and social practices lacking precedent or justification in the Shariat. They condemn tomb worship, excessive veneration of Pirs, exorbitant dowries in marriages, ostentatious displays during events like circumcision and Milad (celebration of the Prophet\'s birthday), and the prohibition of widow remarriages.

For the Wahhabis, these principles are essential to maintaining the purity of Islam, free from the deviations and heresies that have emerged over time.
Examining these four central principles reveals that the scope for ijtehad (interpretation) within Wahhabism is quite restricted. It allows only the Quran and the Hadith, dismissing later legal treatises, to serve as authoritative sources. This restriction aims to ensure that contemporary Muslim life mirrors as closely as possible the lives of Islam\'s earliest followers, thereby preserving the ‘purity’ of the faith.

Wahhab’s doctrines significantly influenced subsequent Islamic movements in Bharat, particularly through religious leaders who traveled to Arabia during his lifetime or encountered his teachings during their Haj pilgrimage. However, Shah Waliullah Dehlawi emerged as the more direct and profound progenitor of Islamic revivalism in the Bharatiya subcontinent. Despite this, the revivalist movement he inspired has often been, perhaps inaccurately or for convenience, labeled as Indian Wahhabism. Dehlawi\'s legacy cannot be overstated; his efforts to reassert the fundamental tenets of Islam have left an indelible mark on the region\'s religious landscape. His variations may differ from Wahhab’s, but the core drive for rejuvenating and purifying Islamic practice links their movements, uniting them in a shared vision of a return to the faith\'s foundational principles.

The nomenclature and classification of Islamic revivalist movements in the 18th and 19th centuries present an interesting case of historical labeling and comparative analysis. While the movement initiated by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab was eponymously termed Wahhabism, the revivalist strain originating from Shah Waliullah Dehlawi and systematized by his spiritual heir, Syed Ahmad Shahid Barelvi, was initially designated as Tariqa-i-Muhammadiyyah (The Path of Muhammad). The followers of this latter movement were originally referred to as Muhammadis. However, subsequent historical discourse has often conflated these movements, with the Indian revivalist strain frequently being categorized under the broader rubric of Wahhabism, owing to perceived ideological and methodological parallels with its more prominent Middle Eastern counterpart (Ahmad, 1967; Metcalf, 1982).

The intellectual genealogy of these movements has been a subject of scholarly investigation, with several researchers positing a common intellectual progenitor in the works of the 13th-century Sunni scholar Ibn Taymiyyah. Both Wahhab and Dehlawi are believed to have encountered Ibn Taymiyyah\'s writings during their formative years of Hadith studies in Medina, a renowned center of Islamic learning. Some scholars even suggest that Wahhab and Dehlawi may have been contemporaneous students in Medina, which could account for the similarities in their theological positions and reformist agendas (Voll, 1975; Dallal, 1993).

Ibn Taymiyyah\'s influence on these movements is particularly evident in their shared emphasis on textual literalism and critique of perceived religious innovations. Of particular significance is Ibn Taymiyyah\'s expansion of the concept of jihad. He posited that armed struggle could be legitimately waged against Muslim rulers who failed to govern in accordance with a strict interpretation of Islamic law (Shariat). This reinterpretation of jihad as a potential tool for intra-Islamic reform and political change had profound implications for subsequent revivalist movements (Makdisi, 1973; Rapoport, 2013).

Ibn Taymiyyah\'s juridical opinion (fatwa) regarding the permissibility of jihad against nominal Muslim rulers was formulated in response to the specific historical context of Mongol rule in the Levant. This ruling addressed the theological ambiguity surrounding armed resistance against ostensibly Muslim sovereigns, a matter of considerable debate among the Islamic scholars of the region (Rapoport, 2013).

The ideological underpinnings of Ibn Taymiyyah\'s thought can be traced to the Hanbali school of jurisprudence, which emerged in 9th century Baghdad and Syria. This theological tradition was characterized by its emphasis on literal interpretation of Hadith, skepticism towards speculative theology, opposition to certain Sufi practices, and critical stance towards perceived deviations in Islamic governance (Makdisi, 1973).

Given this intellectual lineage, it could be argued that the revivalist ideologies propounded by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab and Shah Waliullah Dehlawi are more accurately described as extensions of Taymiyyah\'s Hanbali-influenced thought rather than entirely novel theological constructs. This perspective suggests that the term \"Wahhabism\" may be something of a misnomer, with \"Taymiyyism\" or \"Neo-Hanbalism\" potentially offering more precise terminological alternatives. However, in the interest of maintaining consistency with established scholarly literature and general recognition, this analysis will continue to employ the term \"Wahhabism\" while acknowledging its potential limitations (Commins, 2006).

In the context of Islamic revivalism in the Indian subcontinent, Shah Waliullah Dehlawi emerges as a pivotal figure, notable both for his intellectual heritage and his substantial contributions to Islamic thought. His influence permeated subsequent reform movements within Sunni Islam in the region, including but not limited to the Ahl-i-Hadith, Ahl-i-Quran, Deobandi, Barelvi, Nadwah, Aligarh, and Tablighi movements, as well as the broader ideological currents that informed the Pakistan Movement (Metcalf, 1982; Malik, 2008).

Dehlawi\'s intellectual pedigree is particularly noteworthy. He was the son of Shah Abdul Rahim, a distinguished Islamic scholar who played a crucial role in establishing the Madrasah-i-Rahimiyah in Delhi. Shah Abdul Rahim\'s scholarly credentials were further solidified by his participation in the committee commissioned by Emperor Aurangzeb to compile the Fatawa-e-Alamgiri, a comprehensive legal code that continues to serve as an authoritative reference on Islamic law (Shariat) for Sunni Muslims in the Indian subcontinent (Rizvi, 1980).